Tunku Abdul Aziz

Corruption and gross inefficiency make for a lethal concoction. In Malaysia everything that goes wrong is traceable to either one or both of these factors, and we Malaysians do not have far to cast our eye to see examples of enforcement that have gone awry.

Everywhere we go in Malaysia, in urban centres as well as remote rural hamlets, we see foreigners in our midst toiling away day and night at jobs that Malaysians won’t touch with a long barge pole.

It is clear that these people, the overwhelming majority are illegal, are performing a useful economic function, and it is equally obvious that we cannot do without them, such is their penetration into virtually every aspect of Malaysian life. Why, then, don’t we look the problem in the face and do something right by both the country and these illegals who are here for the long haul?

My greatest concern is the ever present threat posed by many of them to security and public order. The large concentrations of illegal Indonesians are a matter of real concern given their known propensity for criminal activities, including armed robberies. The police are doing the best they can, but the rising crime rates are signs pointing to their failure to keep serious crimes under control, in spite of protestations to the contrary by the IGP.

It is not that they do not know the cause of the problem, but they are reduced to merely treating the symptoms because of conflicting ministerial policies. With millions of people from all over Asia who have overstayed their welcome, we persist with the utterly mindless facility of granting visas on arrival to all and sundry.

I once saw a gaggle of bedraggled South Asian “tourists” swarming over an immigration counter for their right of entry under our tourism promotion campaign. Anyone who was not blind could see that Malaysia Truly Asia was a million miles from their minds.

I know that tourism is important to our economy, but what we are implementing is tantamount to an open door policy, particularly in light of a very real terrorist threat to internal, and by extension, global peace and security. Our VOA policy has earned us the kind of notoriety that we need like a hole in the head.

We are seen by human traffickers, drug smugglers, and assorted terrorists in transit as corrupt and flexible in our official transactions. “Malaysia Boleh” of the Mahathir era was not the Freudian slip that we thought. It was a true reflection of “anything goes” in our country. This is what has dragged Malaysia to its current position in the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index.

We are perceived as a country where corruption in the public service has intruded into every level of officialdom. We may not agree with the verdict of the international community on our moral rectitude or as far as our corrupt behaviour is concerned, because it is argued by the practitioners of corruption among us that these are nothing more than perceptions.

What they forget is that while perceptions may not have any basis in fact, they are real and do influence and cloud the thinking of overseas decision makers.

Tinkering around the edges of our failed immigration policy on foreign labour is not the answer. We have to make a conscious political decision to legalise those who are already here by registering them and giving them a two year stay, renewable subject to conditions. At least in this way we know who they are. Those who are not registered will be regarded as illegal and appropriate action will then be taken.

There must be a more orderly way of dealing with this very important national issue because by leaving matters as they are, they are not going to go away. If we have a proper system of foreign worker registration, we will reduce police harassment and extortion, common complaints by these illegal workers.

We have had instances of illegal workers under detention fighting the police and other enforcement officers because they are fed up with the continual acts of extortion. The police should set up a special undercover unit to monitor police operations against these illegals to make sure that human rights abuses do not take place.

An all party parliamentary committee should be established to study the issues involved and make appropriate recommendations for implementation. (By TUNKU ABDUL AZIZ/MySinchew)

mysinchew.com

About this time each year when Transparency International in Berlin releases its Corruption Perceptions Index, there are many in high places chewing their sticky, dirty fingers while keeping them crossed, hoping against hope, that the world would be kinder and Malaysia’s score on the corruption league table would come out more favourably than last year’s and all the previous years since the Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index was first released in 1995. The prayers of the corrupt in government and politics have been ignored again. The predictability of it all is uncanny. The question is why are we continually perceived as corrupt, and are the perceptions justified?

The ambivalence of Tun Mahathir to corruption during his 22 year administration was never in dispute. In a perverse sort of way, he was charmingly honest and did not try to pretend that he was against corrupt practices. He was a great “in the national interest man” who saw corruption not in monochrome, but in glorious Technicolor which could even be made to look extremely attractive seen through his 20/20 Vision however sordid it is in reality.

I am sure the great visionary of all that is tallest, longest and biggest did not lose any sleep over the many shady deals involving Bank Negara and the Employees Provident Fund that, but for the grace of God and the beneficence of the milch cow that is Petronas, would have rendered us insolvent and a hostage of the IMF. He made no promises to fight corruption, and we did not expect anything from him in this respect. He was, by my definition, a corrupt man.

His successor, the one term wonder, affectionately known as Pak Lah of the “work with me and not for me” fame, was made from a different mould. A perfectly decent human being, he possessed impressive religious and moral credentials. When he declared that his top priority was to take the war against corruption into enemy territory, the country rejoiced, but it was to be short lived. A lot of white washing here and there, and a little tinkering around the edges did nothing to reduce corruption. If anything, the consensus was that corruption during Pak Lah’s watch was worse than when Mahathir held sway over us.

As Pak Lah himself admitted without saying so in so many words, there were other more pressing matters requiring his attention that it was only in the twilight of his stewardship that he woke up and realised that there was a little promise he had made that he had to fulfil. So in great haste, all he managed to do, bless the poor man, was to leave behind a less than useless legacy in the shape of the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission which on present showing is useful neither to man nor beast. And that is being charitable.

The first anti-corruption public relations exercise was the setting up of the National Institute of Integrity Malaysia which, while trying its best to justify its existence, has achieved next to nothing because it is seen as being unable to focus on its mission. Institutions of themselves are not as important as what their people do inside their often magnificent buildings. Malaysia’s dismal failure to curb corruption as effectively as Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Japan, the cleanest in this region, has everything to do with the leadership in government, the Attorney-General’s chambers, the police and the MACC.

It all comes down to people in the end. Mere institutions without people of honour and integrity to lead them do not amount to anything. Remember that saying about how you can fool some people some of the time, but not all people all of the time. It is a lesson that seems to have escaped our leadership.

With one scam after another swirling around their ankles on a daily basis, our leaders, no matter what tricks they try to come up with, have all but lost their high moral ground from which to sermonise on the evils of corruption. The country is mired in corruption and every level of the service has been touched by corruption, defined as the “abuse of entrusted power for personal gain, and official corruption in our country is escalating to enormous heights because there is no political will to begin with.

The thing to remember about the Corruption Perceptions Index is that it reflects the views of the expatriate business community, resident in our country. They are the people who are sought to respond to questionnaires about corruption in our country. And they are not blind to what is going on in their dealings with the government. True, many have no direct experience of being subjected to official extortion, but they exchange stories which are the basis of their perceptions.

There were several countries that were written off as chronically and systemically corrupt and have succeeded remarkably in breaking out of the vicious cycle of corruption. Corruption is not part of our culture and yet we have allowed it to become our way of life.

We are the product of our environment and the government has a responsibility for creating an environment that makes corruption a “high risk, low return business.” But to do that the Prime Minister must lead by example and must confront corruption in all its manifestation, no matter who commits it. A real challenge for Najib if he can find some time to drop his 1Malaysia and look at corruption in the face.

I am not at all sanguine at all about our future as a nation if, by default, we look the other way when disaster is heading straight at us. We will slide further and will have for company those countries that we used to look down upon because we were cleaner. Yes, there was a time, when Tunku Abdul Rahman was prime minister, when corruption only happened in other countries and when ministers and senior Malayan Civil Service officers lived well, well within their means.

Najib must shake off all traces of corruption within our system of governance if Malaysia is to reappear on the competitiveness radar screen of countries that foreign investors feel confident to park their money. Is Najib up to the challenge?

mysinchew.com

By their very nature, we cannot escape the fact that no matter where in the world, federal arrangements will lead sooner or later to ugly, acrimonious, and bitter controversies and confrontations.

The history of federations is littered with political stillbirths and abortions, and the Malaysian federation is beginning to show cracks with Kelantan, on at least two occasions, expressing unhappiness over the handling of oil revenues by the central government, and now Sabah, to a less extent Sarawak, complaining about not getting a fair crack of the whip in what they see as a hopelessly unequal partnership.

Sabah and Sarawak are the two survivors of the countries, (Singapore opted out after two years) that agreed to join Malaya to create a new country called Malaysia based largely on the Federation of Malaya constitutional model. Federation in the Malaysian context is a myth. We are a unitary state and governed as such from Kuala Lumpur with no pretence that it is otherwise. Without the entry of Sabah and Sarawak, agreeing to come in and lending their considerable weight to the Malaysia concept, there would have been no Malaysia to begin with.

Singapore saw very quickly that it was going to be treated no better than any of the Malay States in the Federation of Malaya and made a hasty exit. It has never looked back. Sabah and Sarawak did not at their then stage of development appreciate what they had got themselves into.

Today, in these two countries, there is a heightened awareness of the distortions and contradictions in the federal arrangements that leave Sabah and Sarawak, the second and third legs of the Malaysian body politic in a limbo.

Their position cannot by any stretch of the imagination be regarded as in any way subservient to the Malay States collectively known as Malaya or sometimes referred to as Peninsular Malaysia. Malaysia is in effect a tripartite arrangement that should confer equality of treatment. But in reality, the three component parties are not in all respects. Sabah and Sarawak deserve better.

This leads me to a consideration of the urgent need to recognise the importance of Sabah and Sarawak in the overall scheme of things by giving them their rightful place as equal partners and be treated as such. I repeat that they are not Malay states. They have their own proud traditions and identities and resent being exploited by Malaya-based political parties looking to bolster their chances of forming the federal government. Sabahans and Sarawakians have attained a level of social and political development when they may reasonably expect to play a bigger and more meaningful role in their countries’ affairs.

They have benefited from their association with us, and we should be happy to let them develop on their own. They must be given a bigger voice in the running not only their countries, but also Malaysia as a whole. There is no place for overbearing condescension over people who more than four decades ago were persuaded against their better judgement to throw in their lot with a political arrangement they did not fully understand.

I cannot see these two countries not flexing their muscle and demanding a more just and equitable role for themselves consistent with their enhanced level of political maturity. It is better to be proactive in defusing their sense of injustice before matters go out of hand. We need to revisit the constitutional arrangements we have with Sabah and Sarawak and for this purpose a group of experts from Sabah and Sarawak, together with those representing the Government of Malaysia be appointed.

I believe there is still a great deal of goodwill for Malaysia, but it has to be a new Malaysia in which Sabah and Sarawak can see themselves playing a bigger role commensurate with their true worth and value as important lynchpins in the whole mechanics for sustainable growth of the nation.

If we cannot meet the legitimate aspirations of these countries, then we should let them go free if this is what they really want. I know the Malaysian Constitution does not allow states to secede from the federation, but the thing here is that if they want to part company and with our approval, why not? They might become tomorrow’s Singapore, who knows. I have throughout this piece referred to Sabah and Sarawak as countries by way of emphasising their distinctive character. They are not to be treated as Malay states.

We hope it will not come to this, but we ignore their cries in the wilderness at our peril. Let it not be said that it is a case of too little, too late.

By BARADAN KUPPUSAMY (Malaysian Insider)

While PKR members are relieved that party adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has warned errant members to toe the line, critics say it is too little and too late.

FINALLY, after months of internal squabbling, discord and defections in the PKR, its adviser Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has given the order to the rank and file – shape up or ship out.

Party members are relieved their leader has finally cracked the whip and is trying to restore some semblance of unity in the factious party.

Anwar, at the PKR convention in Penang on Sunday, the first in a series, drew the line for the party, saying he was for valid criticism but would not compromise with leaders who stood against party policies.

“All party members must support the transformation agenda, work for the Pakatan Rakyat or be sacked from the party,” he said.

“Give loyalty to PKR or leave.”

While some said the new theme was better late than never, others felt the tough new line was probably too little and too late in the day.

The PKR, they say, is too much a wayward party for anyone to impose discipline, especially when some of its leaders have consistently shown a penchant for warlord-ism, bordering on the outright disobedient.

Such unruly behaviour has damaged the PKR’s standing among the public and given rise to the perception that the party is disunited, given to constant infighting and drifting, without a firm hand at the oars.

Anwar, the critics say, is preoccupied with his own problems, including the second sodomy charge and in addition, spends more time abroad than in the country to oversee PKR and Pakatan issues.

Increasingly, his absence is felt not just in the PKR but also in the Pakatan, where he is the leading limelight and in Parliament, where as the Opposition Leader, he is expected to lead the charge to check the Barisan Nasional.

Instead, we have often seen the old warhorse, DAP adviser Lim Kit Siang, working his butt off on the opposition bench with newcomers like Petaling Jaya Utara MP Tony Pua and others playing an active role assisting him.

In Anwar’s absence, the PKR has been rocked by one squabble after another, and second echelon leaders like Subang MP R. Sivarasa and Batu MP Tian Chua have been left holding the fort, fighting the fires and blaming the media.

From Sabah and Sarawak to Perak, Selangor, Perak and the Federal Territory, PKR leaders have been squabbling publicly, some have resigned and while others have defected to Barisan claiming to be Barisan-friendly independents.

In the key state of Sabah, the deep division in the PKR appears terminal, with Dr Jeffrey Kitingan on a collision course with the party’s leadership in Kuala Lumpur.

He wants autonomy and a free hand to run the state as he thinks fit and sees any direction from the PKR headquarters as interference in Sabah affairs by the “orang Malaya” – a dirty word for Sabahans.

The hope the PKR had placed on Gabriel Adit, the Ngemeh assemblyman, to deliver Sarawak has all but dissipated after he openly defied the party by announcing his intention to leave and form his own party.

PKR hopes are now pinned on human rights lawyer Baru Bian, who PKR sources said, is already weighed down with numerous land rights battles and other environmental issues to concentrate on reviving the PKR’s flagging fortunes.

While the PKR and consequently, Pakatan, squanders the precious mandate given them in 2008 with their inability to unite for a common cause, the Government under Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak is making strides winning hearts and minds under the 1Malaysia umbrella.

Even the chattering crowd that derided the concept is beginning to admit that 1Malaysia is not mere talk but is driven by public funds and expansion, and is starting to win over rural people and the urban poor.

Najib has appropriated all of the Pakatan themes of justice, equality and hope, and while the “agenda for change” rhetoric is still coming out of Anwar and Pakatan, it is Najib and the Barisan-led government that is delivering.

In the new emerging landscape, Anwar has a tough job ahead – keep his party disciplined, lead the Pakatan to victory in the next general election and at the same time, overcome all his personal problems.

He can, for starters, match his new tough words with tough action on several PKR leaders who are, for one reason or another, major embarrassments to the party and Pakatan.

Checking the runaway train that is Kulim Bandar Baru MP Zulkifli Nordin, who is on a personal mission to promote Islam, would go far to assure the public that Pakatan is united, speaks with one voice and practises inclusive, multi-ethnic policies.

Despite constant demands by non-governmental organisations and civil society to restrain the MP, Zulkifli continues to defy PKR/Pakatan policies without restrain, not even a rap on his knuckles.

The public, as seen in the blogs and on the Internet, welcome Anwar’s promise to crack the whip, engage his own PKR and repair the damage done to the Pakatan’s image.

But they want action, not more rhetoric, from the charismatic Anwar.

The painful truth, in the words of Tunku Abdul Aziz, the former Transparency International founder and chairman, is that the voters owe Pakatan nothing but Pakatan owes them everything.

mysinchew.com

A mere footnote at the bottom of a page of Malaysia’s political history or a tome on political change that recreated and revitalised a sick and openly corrupt society into a vibrant and prosperous democracy for all?

Pakatan Rakyat must decide quickly where it wants to be. On present showing, it has not a ghost of a chance to ever breach and occupy the still impregnable Putrajaya citadel, in spite of the credible 8 March 2008 electoral onslaught. It does not have to look far to find out why it is in such a sorry state. Lim Kit Siang’s warning of a “one term miracle” could well become self-fulfilling and Putra Jaya would be just a gleam in the eye if his words are not taken to heart.

Pakatan Rakyat leaders must come to terms with the reality that is Barisan Nasional. We may despise its politics of immorality, of corruption and injustice, but even the most rabid alternative political practitioners must readily concede that it is still a formidable organisation with an armoury of unsavoury tricks they have to contend with.

Remember Perak, and the bad after taste that lingers on and on. Pakatan must wake up from its euphoric pie in the sky self-induced dream that the one off massive voter handouts would be there for the asking at the next general elections. There will be no repeat performance until and unless it gets its act together. The electorate owes PR nothing. The truth is that Pakatan Rakyat owes their supporters everything.

PR leaders must lead by putting the larger interests of the nation above individual parochial party issues with their tendency to be unnecessarily divisive, emotive and controversial. Are these issues really so fundamental that they are incapable being discussed rationally without adding to the fragility of a coalition that is apparently about to be torn asunder?

I wrote some time ago about the difficulty of reconciling the conflicting claims of the many different ideological and doctrinal sacred cows represented by the PR partners, but they must direct their intellectual energies to finding a solution to what the people of multi-racial Malaysia will and will not put up with.

They must open their minds to the larger, and therefore, more relevant social, economic, political, religious and cultural concerns of our people than to insist on playing the same old race and religious cards with their declining appeal to right thinking people. These are barriers to overcome.

If PR is, as it seems, incapable of even getting to the most important item on the new national agenda, then it is offering nothing better to the people of this nation than what BN has been doing for half a century and more. More of the same is an unworthy option for a long suffering people who deserve better. PR leaders must, in all good conscience, ask themselves whether they can lead this complex and difficult nation if they themselves are apparently incapable of agreeing on basic fundamental principles of cooperative engagement to deepen their commitment to values of justice in its widest sense for every Malaysian.

If PK leaders feel that they have neither the will nor the stomach for the sacrifices they are expected to make in order to take the new national non-race based agenda forward on the long march to Putrajaya, they should come out with a straight answer that should leave the people of this country in no doubt where they stand. There is no place for personal agendas in the national scheme of things; certainly not where it is a matter of saving the people from a particularly rotten and unjust system of governance.

Pakatan Rakyat has a great deal to offer by way of a commitment to a clean corruption-intolerant administration and it deserves to be given a chance to govern Malaysia. It cannot be worse than the Umno dominated administration. But then the political game is not about sentimental nonsense. It is determined solely by the dictum “Perform or Perish”, and the PR state governments must prove to the satisfaction of the people in those states, and by extension the nation, that they can be trusted to govern good, and to govern well.

This coalition, even if it were made in heaven, could still come a cropper. PR leaders have themselves to blame in the event.